Seoul correspondent

On Friday, South Korea’s Constitutional Courtroom dominated Yoon Suk Yeol had abused his energy by declaring martial legislation final December, and completely eliminated him from workplace.
Earlier than that, South Korea was not someplace you would possibly anticipate a navy takeover – a peaceable and proud democracy, admired throughout the globe for its Ok-dramas and technological innovation.
So, when President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial legislation, ordering his military to grab management, he surprised the nation and the world. Everybody, from common Koreans to world leaders, was left with the identical burning query:
What was he considering?
Yoon underestimated the resistance from the general public, his navy and members of parliament. He cancelled the order after simply six hours.
The BBC has spoken to a few of these closest to the president – his buddies, confidantes, and political aides – to know what drove this as soon as profitable and principled prosecutor, famed for his perception in proper and mistaken, to set off an authoritarian takeover: a call that will upend his nation, tarnish its worldwide fame and destroy his profession.
From a younger age, Yoon was “obsessive about profitable”, his oldest pal, Chulwoo Lee, informed me within the weeks after martial legislation.
“As soon as he decides one thing, he drives it ahead in a really excessive manner.”
Mr Lee was in the identical main faculty class as Yoon. The pair later went on to review legislation collectively, earlier than Yoon turned a prosecutor.
In school, he was the largest boy within the class, Mr Lee mentioned, which meant he all the time sat on the again in order not block the opposite pupils’ view.
He was standard and intelligent, Mr Lee added, eager to counter a delusion that Yoon struggled academically as a result of it took him 9 makes an attempt to move the bar examination.

Yoon attended faculty within the early Eighties, when South Korea’s navy dictator Chun Doo-hwan dominated the nation utilizing martial legislation.
When the navy massacred protesters within the metropolis of Gwangju, the nation was horrified. Indignant college students took to the streets, however based on Lee, Yoon “did not take part a lot”.
“He wasn’t significantly within the scholar motion or politics,” Lee mentioned, however he did have “a robust perception in justice”.
Mr Lee remembers strolling by campus someday, after they noticed a lady being interrogated by two plain garments policemen. Yoon instantly began shouting at them.
“As a result of he was so huge and indignant, the officers had been frightened. They virtually ran away,” he mentioned. “His mood was uncontrollable.”

‘I don’t owe my loyalty to anybody’
A long time later, Mr Lee would discover himself on the receiving finish of his pal’s mood.
As a state prosecutor, Yoon cemented his fame as an explosive character who was virtually obsessively guided by an innate conscience.
However through the years, Lee fearful his investigations had been turning into unnecessarily aggressive. When he known as Yoon to inform him so, “he threw the phone throughout the room” in anger.
By then, Yoon was already well-known, having investigated the intelligence service in 2013 for corruption, in opposition to the orders of his boss. He was suspended from his job, however based on Mr Lee, who defended him, the general public considered him as courageous for defying political stress.
When testifying, Yoon famously declared: “I don’t owe my loyalty to anybody.”
This was evident once more when he went on to prosecute and jail South Korea’s impeached conservative president Park Geun-hye in 2018, making him a darling of the left.
It received him the job of chief prosecutor for the left-leaning authorities on the time. However quite than curry favour, he launched an investigation into certainly one of its ministers. It was then that Mr Lee phoned to warn his pal “he was crossing a bridge of no return”, which incensed Yoon. The pair didn’t discuss for over a yr.
However this dogged, non-partisan method received him help. “I used to be rooting for him as a result of he all the time did the fitting factor quite than what his boss informed him to do. I felt there needs to be extra individuals like him,” mentioned one pal, Shin*, who requested to remain nameless.
Shin, who refers to Yoon as his older brother – a time period of affection in South Korea – claims he was completely different to many prosecutors on the time, who bought their affect by marrying into wealthy and highly effective households.
However by investigating the federal government, Yoon had picked a struggle he could not win, and he was pushed out of his job as chief prosecutor. Such side-switching set him up as a hero and villain to each side of the politician divide, giving him a singular enchantment.
Nonetheless, the choice to run for president was not a simple one, Shin mentioned.
The pair met usually to brainstorm a sport plan. They fearful about Yoon’s lack of political connections.
“Should you’ve been a politician your entire life you’ve gotten individuals backing you. With out these allies, Yoon knew he was going to be a really lonely president,” Shin mentioned.
Lurch to the fitting
“I tremendously remorse selecting him as our candidate”, Yoon’s marketing campaign strategist Kim Keun-sik admitted to me within the aftermath of martial legislation.
Kim was initially enamoured by Yoon’s principled method to the legislation, however mentioned he shortly grew involved. “He did not hearken to any of our recommendation. He solely did as he happy – he was cussed to the core.”
He would make choices spontaneously, in non-public, preferring to take recommendation from the buddies he went ingesting with, Kim mentioned. “We saved having to clear up his mess.”
But regardless of these warning indicators, he was chosen because the presidential candidate for South Korea’s conservative Folks Energy Occasion.
“We knew he was a threat, however we thought he gave us one of the best likelihood of beating our opponent,” Kim mentioned.

After being endorsed by the celebration, Yoon’s politics lurched quickly to the fitting.
In accordance with his buddies, he was bombarded by very right-wing politicians and journalists who “planted concepts in his thoughts.” He developed an excessive hostility in direction of the opposition celebration, believing it had hyperlinks to North Korea.
“I felt very unhappy, as a result of he was altering,” mentioned Shin. “He needed to win, and the mistaken recommendation went to his head. He began to assume he was engaged in a struggle.”
By now, Yoon’s schoolfriend Lee was alarmed.
“He got here into politics with such a large spectrum of help. I hoped he would unite the nation. However he moved so shortly to the fitting and was dropping help virtually daily.”
The issue, Lee mentioned, was that these on the far proper had been fanatically supportive. The extra backing Yoon misplaced, the extra he believed he needed to depend on these loyalists, and the additional proper he slid.
It was a self-defeating cycle. Yoon received the election by the narrowest margin in South Korea’s historical past – 0.7%.
After his victory, Mr Lee messaged his faculty pal to chop ties, involved concerning the route he would take the nation. “I congratulated him and mentioned I might see him after he had served his time period.”
A prosecutorial president
By the point he entered workplace, Yoon had not solely alienated his oldest pal, however many reasonable voters, and he had set himself up for a conflict with the highly effective opposition, that managed the parliament.
He introduced his prosecutorial instincts into politics. But the very traits that made him a formidable prosecutor would hamper him as president.
“Often politicians with no expertise hearken to their aides rather a lot, however Yoon needed to take the wheel,” mentioned certainly one of his political advisers, who spoke on situation of anonymity.
The aide, who labored within the president’s workplace, mentioned Yoon would argue his factors “loudly and forcefully”, making it “uncomfortable” to voice another opinion.
Within the early days of his presidency, most of his staff pressed him to take a seat down with the opposition chief, to resolve their variations and discover a approach to govern successfully, however Yoon refused, the aide mentioned.
“He considered the opposition chief, Lee Jae-myung, as a prison.”
As a substitute, Yoon sided with a small faction inside the presidential workplace who needed him to “struggle the celebration head on”.
Pretty shortly, these pushing for dialogue both left or had been pushed out, leaving Yoon surrounded by individuals who agreed with him, and lower-level bureaucrats, too scared to talk out.

This bullish management led him to make a strategic miscalculation – he missed the must be favored by voters. He pushed forward with unpopular insurance policies, and refused to apologise for his spouse, who had antagonised the general public by accepting luxurious items.
“He did not care sufficient what individuals considered him; whether or not they thought he was doing a great job or not,” mentioned his pal Shin, who remembers struggling to persuade Yoon to decorate neatly within the early days of the marketing campaign.
Yoon feared that pandering to the general public would possibly forestall him attaining his targets, and hoped individuals would finally recognise he was doing a great job, Shin defined.
The alternative turned out to be true.
Two years into his time period, his celebration suffered a bruising defeat in parliamentary elections, handing the opposition celebration a fair greater majority. Yoon was left hamstrung, unable to enact his agenda.
“It is boastful to say you do not need to be standard, that you don’t need approval rankings,” mentioned Shin, labelling this Yoon’s “largest mistake”.
“He is a humorous, likeable individual. He might have been a well-liked president.”
Punishing the opposition
Perversely, Yoon appeared untroubled by his celebration’s election defeat.
“He mentioned he might nonetheless give government orders and achieve rather a lot. He informed me to not fear”, mentioned Linton, a conservative politician and one of many president’s shut confidantes on the time.
In accordance with varied testimonies, this was concerning the time Yoon’s martial legislation plot started to take form.
By now, he seemed to be totally immersed in unsubstantiated conspiracy theories, peddled by influential far-right YouTubers whose content material he was consuming. He believed the opposition was taking orders from North Korea, or at the very least those that idolised the regime, although he by no means offered any proof.
Linton mentioned Yoon talked repeatedly of how the opposition celebration was being run by Marxists, as soon as evaluating them to the Chinese language Communist Occasion. He thought that, if in energy, they might flip South Korea into an authoritarian communist state and bankrupt the nation.
“I received this speech at the very least 15 to twenty occasions.”
The stronger the opposition received, the extra headstrong Yoon turned, utilizing his presidential veto to dam parliament’s choices. In return the meeting slashed his budgets, impeached an unprecedented variety of his political appointees, and tried to analyze his spouse for corruption.
In accordance with Linton, Yoon was “furious”. “They’re attempting to carry me down, the federal government down, and finish our democracy – and we won’t put up with it,” he informed him.
On 3 December, he lastly snapped.

“He noticed martial legislation as a technique for punishing the opposition. He felt that any individual needed to stand as much as them,” Linton mentioned.
“As soon as he decides he does not hesitate,” he added, suggesting it was unlikely Yoon had totally thought his plan by. “It was a poor resolution, and he’s paying the results now, however I believe he sincerely thought he had the nation’s finest pursuits at coronary heart.”
In a roundabout manner, his schoolfriend Chulwoo Lee agrees: “He had this delusion he might save the nation from communist threats, however I’ve no sympathy for him; he has jeopardised our democracy.”
As misguided as he was, Yoon did what he thought was proper with little take care of the results, echoed Shin.
“This was precisely how he lived his 30 years as a prosecutor. On this sense, martial legislation was one thing solely Yoon might have achieved.”