For Majid Ansari, legislation just isn’t merely an educational pursuit it’s a response to the inequalities and injustices he has witnessed since childhood. “Greater than an influencer, I’d prefer to name myself a authorized consciousness campaigner,” he says. A ninth-semester BALLB pupil at Nepal Legislation Campus, Ansari is dedicated to not ideology or political celebration, however to the “rule of legislation and constitutionalism.”
Born and raised in Morang, Ansari’s path to legislation was removed from linear. He studied at Shree Sharada Increased Secondary Faculty, the place lecturers have been scarce and poorly certified. “One instructor—certified solely as much as class 5 taught all math and science topics.” He remembers, “In school eight, a instructor got here from Kathmandu to show English however left after two months when his scooter received destroyed throughout the Madhesh Andolan.” With little steering, he and his classmates relied on rote studying to cross exams.
Regardless of these limitations, he persevered. “I didn’t even know legislation might be studied in highschool,” he says. So, he joined Maryland Faculty to review administration, hesitant about his English expertise. “I used to be suggested not to decide on science, because it’s in English; failing it will price me years, making it a dangerous alternative,” he says.
A humiliating classroom incident pushed him to be taught English from YouTube. Shortly after, he found legislation was out there on the increased secondary degree in Biratnagar and switched streams, later becoming a member of Vibrant Imaginative and prescient Faculty for his bachelor’s. Nevertheless, inspired by advocates Bikash Kumar Gupta and MD Mazid Prawej, he moved to Kathmandu, handed the doorway examination with simply fifteen days of preparation, and has lived in a hostel ever since.
Ansari’s curiosity in legislation sprouted a lot earlier. In grade 9, he led an admission marketing campaign in his village and met an eight-year-old from the Musahar neighborhood who advised him he didn’t go to highschool. When Ansari requested why, the boy replied: “If I begin learning, will you feed me?” That query, he says, “shook my ethical basis.” The boy’s mom earned half the boys’s wage, however her husband took her cash, forcing her son to scrub dishes to assist the household.
When he inquired why kids weren’t attending faculty regardless of out there funding, his instructor replied that it wasn’t the varsity’s accountability. He defined, “That’s the federal government’s work.” Ansari then requested why he couldn’t compel the federal government to behave. The instructor replied, “That’s the legislation’s position, not ours.” At that second, he realised that legislation allows change.
One other incident, this time involving his mom, deepened that conviction. “She had a land dispute case and visited the court docket typically,” he remembers. “She noticed an officer extort cash from a villager of the Musahar neighborhood, claiming his doc was lacking. My mom mentioned if she questioned it, her case work can be delayed. That’s after I understood how individuals who lack authorized consciousness are at all times exploited.”
Lengthy earlier than the protests, Ansari had already been concerned in civic actions. “In class, I joined the UNESCO-funded ‘Inexperienced Membership’ and later turned secretary of the ‘Sagarmatha Teenagers Membership’ below Province One’s Ministry of Legislation and Inside Affairs.” By means of it, he says, “We invited Mahabir Pun, the present minister of Schooling, Science and Know-how, for a tech-programme, and labored on banning tobacco gross sales close to colleges and hospitals, we even persuaded the canteen to switch junk meals with native snacks.’’
Again residence, he based the ‘Karsiya Yuwa Membership’, main cleansing drives and distributing meals to 500 households throughout the Covid-19 pandemic. These experiences satisfied him that grassroots networks have been more practical than formal organisations. “They’re simpler to mobilise and may make actual modifications,” he says.
Arriving in Kathmandu uncovered Ansari to pupil unions and political affect. When his school delayed publishing entrance examination outcomes, he made a video criticising the unions for inaction. “That video went viral,” he says. “Inside per week, the outcomes have been out.”
His critique of pupil politics continued at the same time as he joined the Free Scholar Union. “I’ve at all times believed unions are vital to carry administrations accountable, however there should be transparency,” he says. “What I noticed was corruption—fund misuse and inflated payments.” Refusing to log off on questionable expenditures led to battle. “They ultimately known as me again and changed me,” he says. “I revealed the expense particulars on Fb so college students would know.” Regardless of setbacks, he continues to advocate for inclusivity in schooling—elevating points affecting Madhesi and Muslim college students.
The Gen Z-led protests in September marked one other turning level in his activism. Ansari first discovered about it by way of social media. “I noticed discussions on-line round September 5 and thought it was simply one other protest at Maitighar,” he says.“However by the seventh, it was clearly turning right into a mass motion—the posts, movies, and feedback made that apparent.”
He joined the protest on September 8. “At Maitighar, I anticipated an enormous crowd however noticed solely round 2,000 folks,” he remembers. “Nonetheless, watching younger folks—typically dismissed as careless—rise up for accountability was highly effective.” The temper, nonetheless, quickly shifted. “When a poster of the then-Prime Minister KP Oli was torn down, I sensed it might flip violent. Minutes later, barricades fell, bikers rushed in, and gunshots adopted.”
He escaped by way of Thapagaun and Previous Baneshwar. “Listening to that 19 folks have been killed shook me. I believed in peaceable protest, however the authorities responded with violence.” Later that night, he and a buddy went to Civil Hospital to donate blood. “The scene was horrific—blood and our bodies on the ground, bulletins calling households. Even the hospital wasn’t protected; police have been firing outdoors,” he says. “We needed to swap off our telephones and conceal our location for security after reaching the hostel.”
Regardless of witnessing violence, Ansari returned to the road the following day. He says, ‘‘When Oli resigned, our demand was met. However when the gang moved in the direction of Singha Durbar and the Supreme Court docket to burn it, I went to the hostel to marketing campaign towards it. We needed accountability, not destruction.”
When calls arose to dissolve Parliament and provides energy to the military, Ansari grew involved. “As a legislation pupil, I understand how harmful it’s when energy shifts to the military,” he says. “Paperwork should be ruled by democracy, not the opposite means round.’’
On authorities accountability, Ansari is obvious. “The primary core demand of the Gen Z motion is tackling corruption,” he says. “All closed recordsdata ought to be reopened. Occasion members who suffered below corrupt leaders ought to communicate up. Create public opinion, let folks file complaints. If celebration insiders expose corruption, it turns into far simpler to behave.”
He stresses transparency, “Studies like Bhairav Prasad Lamsal’s case ought to stay public. Political leaders should be held accountable, or the federal government ought to take motion backed by public opinion.”
He additionally requires police reform. “The police are sometimes the primary level of contact for the general public, but they’re corrupt and violent. I’ve skilled it firsthand whereas looking for justice for my brother’s murder case. They advised me, ‘You research legislation, however we play with legislation. You could have it in books, we hold it in our pockets.’ Think about how an atypical individual feels listening to that,” he says. “The system itself wants reform.”
On the present interim authorities, he stays essential however measured. “They’ve been calm and considerate, however that’s not sufficient.’’ He says,‘‘The largest precedence ought to be guaranteeing elections occur on time.’’ He believes the Sushila Karki authorities ought to get hold of a written dedication from all main events. “If the election is delayed, the nation will fall into political instability,” he warns. “We want political authority, not anarchy.” He provides, “I’m not pleased with their efficiency—politicians’ property are nonetheless hidden, stolen rifles are lacking, escaped prisoners are but to be recaptured.”
He advises Gen Z activists to push constitutional amendments into celebration manifestos, put together reliable candidates, and take part actively in elections. “Gen Z ought to go to constituencies, not simply keep in Kathmandu. Make representatives win who align with our agendas. If elections aren’t recognised internationally, democracy suffers,” he warns.
On politics, Ansari says, “We want events to run the nation in a reformed method. If they’ll’t reform, they need to get replaced—not by a dictator or the military. In any other case, we’ll lose our democracy.” He warns of parts looking for absolute energy, including, “The election shouldn’t be delayed, not even someday, or the nation dangers a political vacuum.”
He urges youth engagement: “In the event you’re not concerned in politics, politics will occur to you. Gen Z already has leaders’ consideration. Youths now get tickets at events, however if you happen to don’t combat to your rights, incapable folks will rule you.” He stresses questioning leaders somewhat than idolising them. “Energy corrupts, solely questioning retains it in verify.’’
On bureaucratic reform, he suggests a citizen-led “shadow authorities” monitoring corruption, reporting to the CIAA, and guaranteeing systemic transparency. He additionally proposes introducing a one-door system, on-line functions, and eradicating pointless officer cabins.
Reflecting on the turbulent months, he says, “Possibly if Gen Z had cleaned the burnt Parliament and stayed outdoors for a number of days, demanding reform peacefully, the Structure might have been amended then. Not doing so set the nation again six months. I might need achieved it if I’d been on the negotiating crew. Now, the negotiating crew is occupied and centralised, which limits effectiveness. That’s why I’ve left Kathmandu—to decentralise efforts and act independently.”
