Final time, we began our retrospective on the Gracchi trying on the elder brother Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and his time period as tribune of the plebs in 133 BCE; this week, we’ll wrap up this look by discussing Tiberius’ youthful brother Gaius Sempronius Gracchus and his phrases as tribune of the plebs in 123 and 122 after which – spoilers – his demise in 121.
As famous final time, this collection is meant to offset the considerably rosy therapy the Gracchi usually get in introductory programs, which for the purpose of brevity are sometimes compelled to omit loads of the political particulars of their careers and current them far too merely as proto-progressive reformers. Because of this, it’s fairly deliberately framed as an indictment of each figures, meant to clarify why, regardless of their usually postive trendy portrayal, they had been seen extra negatively on the time, significantly however not solely by the Roman elite.
The truth is, as we famous final time, the Romans had loads of motive to consider that Tiberius Gracchus’ reforms had been a considerable hazard to the political order in Rome. By making an attempt to carry the tribunate a number of instances (a factor that was towards customized and no less than a few of Tiberius Gracchus’ colleagues thought was unlawful) and to wield the powers of the workplace in methods opposite to the mos maiorum (if not the legislation), that Tiberius threatened to grow to be a kind of tyrant, wielding disproportionate energy inside Rome’s political system and subverting its nature as a republic into one thing moderately extra like a monarchy. It’s by no means clear from our proof if that perception was right – our sources can’t learn Tiberius’ thoughts any higher than we will – however my level was that it was cheap to think about Tiberius Gracchus’ actions aimed to upset the Roman political system and probably set up a tyranny and he did little to decrease the notion. Lastly, we famous that for all of this, Tiberius Gracchus seems to have misdiagnosed the very drawback he was attempting to unravel, with the end result that though he couldn’t have identified it, all of this political dislocation was unlikely to accomplish very a lot.
Besides, after all, getting Tiberius Gracchus killed, which it did.
Now due to the best way these brothers are likely to get lined in survey programs – handled collectively and infrequently at excessive brevity as a result of in a giant survey, who has the time? – there’s an inclination for Gaius Gracchus to only find yourself summarized as ‘second verse, similar as the primary:’ a good-for-the-poor reform program stymied by the conservative, hidebound and grasping Roman elite, culminating in Gaius’ demise in 121. Tiberius Gracchus, as we famous final time, will get a remarkably favorable therapy from our two principal sources, Appian and Plutarch, however these important diverge with Gaius Gracchus. Plutarch stays broadly favorable to the purpose of showing to considerably fudge a few of the particulars of Gaius’ profession to attempt to paper over the uncomfortable suggestion that Gaius was, in reality, merely an formidable man carried away by his ambitions. Appian, in contrast, is much extra keen to permit for a adverse portrayal of Gaius, although he clearly thinks Gaius’ final purpose of citizenship reform was clever. Against this, our different sources – usually summarized or fragmentary – are virtually uniformly adverse (e.g. Diod. Sic. 34.25; Livy Per. 60.7, 61.4; Vell. Pat. 2.6.2; Dio 25.85) and harshly so, suggesting that Gaius Gracchus’ notion, no less than amongst Rome’s literate elite, was considerably darker than that of his brother: the damaging radical to his brother’s well-intentioned however ill-fated reformer.
But when Appian’s verdict on Tiberius Gracchus was that he was killed “on account of a superb proposal he pursued with violence” then the truth that even our favorable sources notice that in comparison with Tiberius Gracchus, Gaius was vulnerable to vehemence and anger (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 2.2-5) ought to warn us towards minimizing Gaius’ personal company in producing the confrontation that’s going to assert his life as properly. The irony is that whereas in contrast to Tiberius Gracchus, Gaius appears to have appropriately recognized an issue that wanted fixing, Gaius’ extra vehement, uncompromising and admittedly reckless method usually reads a lot worse than his brother’s extra conciliatory type and Gaius’ position in producing the violent confrontation on the finish of his life is much clearer, extra intention and extra direct.
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By the late second century, Campania was a mixture of totally Roman territory (a lot of it seized from Campanian communities which joined Hannibal through the Second Punic Warfare) and allied territory.
The Aftermath of 133
However earlier than we will get to Gaius Gracchus we have to perceive how the occasions of Tiberius Gracchus’ tribunate and its aftermath are going to arrange Gaius Gracchus’ personal flip within the highlight a decade later. Gaius was, in any case, ten years his brother’s junior and so there was a big lag time between their two careers.
First off, it’s putting that the response of the Senate after Tiberius Gracchus’ demise was blended. On the one hand, Tiberius Gracchus’ physique was flung into the Tiber River as would have been finished with notorious criminals (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.2; App. BCiv. 1.16) a surprising assertion of the Senate’s hatred of the person at this level, although not an unreasonable factor to do in the event you did, in reality, suppose that Tiberius had been slain as a part of a failed coup to make him king. A few of Tiberius Gracchus’ associates had been additionally prosecuted and others, Plutarch tells us, had been banished with out trial (which can imply they fled earlier than a trial might happen, a factor you may do within the Roman authorized system). Although whereas Plutarch notes two associates of Tiberius convicted and executed (a Gaius Villius and Diophanes the Rhetorician) however equally Gaius Blossius, regardless of showing fairly unrepentant was apparently acquitted (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.4), although Plutarch notes this fellow then went to again an anti-Roman military within the East (Aristonicus’ rising in Asia) so maybe they need to have convicted him.
However what clearly doesn’t occur is an effort to tug out Tiberius Gracchus’ community by the basis. Gaius Gracchus isn’t prosecuted and certainly stays one of many three commissioners on Tiberius Gracchus’ land fee. Certainly, as we’ll see, Gaius’ political profession seems by no means hindered by Tiberius’ fall. Much more notably Tiberius Gracchus’ land fee is permitted to maneuver ahead. In the meantime, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio, the architect of the mob that killed Tiberius Gracchus is unceremoniously packed off as a part of an embassy to Pergamon in a transfer that will have most likely marked the top of his political profession even when he didn’t die in 132 (however he does).
However after all the most important factor right here is that the land fee strikes ahead and equally it appears to have made one thing of a multitude of issues (regardless of being run by Gaius Gracchus and having political allies like Fulvius Flaccus on it). Appian – who you’ll recall clearly favors the measure and even fudges his description of it to make it sound extra cheap and conventional than it actually was – is obvious that the implementation makes a multitude of issues (App. BCiv. 1.18). It was usually unclear who owned a given plot of land which result in repeated lawsuits and additional issues and it seems that the commissioners themselves virtually instantly misplaced the popularity of being neutral adjudicators of those issues, resulting in Scipio Aemilianus to counsel shifting the instances to the jurisdiction of the consul, who promptly went on marketing campaign in Illyria to keep away from the political issues that will come from truly deciding any of those instances (App. BCiv. 1.19) resulting in additional gridlock. Additional complicating issues, the land had by no means evidently been totally surveyed, resulting in issues assigning and redistributing land, with farmers assigned to unproductive land (or as Appian has it, swamps and ponds!).
Extra broadly, after all, for causes we’ve already mentioned, there was by no means going to be an enormous quantity of land to distribute in any case: the issue wasn’t a vanishing small farmer class, however a rising small farmer class resulting in a level of actual land shortage. Consequently, a land fee of the kind arrange by the Lex Sempronia Agraria might solely accomplish positive factors on the margins, even when it was properly run which by Appian’s account, it wasn’t.
Nevertheless the land fee did accomplish one factor: it shortchanged the allies (the socii). As Appian notes (BCiv. 1.19) whereas the socii weren’t legitimate recipients of ager publicus underneath the Lex Sempronia Agraria, they may have their land taken underneath it in the event that they held greater than the allotted quantity of ager publicus. Which implies that the communities of the socii skilled the entire downsides of the legislation, however not one of the upsides. And when you could also be pondering this may solely trouble the very wealthy socii, keep in mind that loads of farmers within the countryside probably received by partly by way of sharecropping or tenancy preparations, so even a socius small farmer would possibly discover his work disrupted when the Large Man misplaced a bit of his land – and but that socius was not eligible to get any land himself. This was a considerable change in the ‘bargain’ of the Roman alliance system: earlier than the socii had been, as far as we will inform, totally eligible for settlement in new colonial foundations.
That matches into a bigger sample the place the socii‘s ‘discount’ will get progressively worse as in comparison with residents over the late second century. When Rome was increasing in Italy, the socii had gotten an equal share of loot and no less than some entry to the land taken (together with ager publicus!) however by the 130s and 120s, Rome’s wars aren’t bringing in loot, they’re bringing in taxes. Recall, for example, that Tiberius Gracchus was in a position to fund his land fee by annexing Pergamum (into the province of Asia) as a result of the tax windfall might fund his effort. However whereas the loot of contemporary conquests was shared out equally, the tax income of the provinces flowed to Rome alone. That drawback had probably been constructing since 168, the place the proceeds of the destruction of Antigonid Macedon had been adequate to finish the usual Roman land tax, tributum, completely – however that won’t have suspended the socii‘s personal obligations so as to pay their very own troopers (in any case, the socii received a part of that huge single loot infusion, however no residual tax income). Tiberius Gracchus’ land reform, making a profit for solely Roman residents, paid out out ager publicus which was once utilized in frequent by Rome and the socii and out of tax income made this drawback worse.
Because of this by the 120s, the socii are clearly starting to push for citizenship. That is truly a reasonably large change: Roman citizenship so far was not at all times even one thing the socii wished – in any case, they retained much more autonomy internally as allies being topic to their very own legal guidelines, whereas as Roman residents, they’d be topic to Roman legislation. Marcus Fulvius Flaccus (cos. 125) makes the primary effort to get a citizenship invoice handed, however is stymied by the Senate; Roman citizenship, as we’ve mentioned, was radically expansionary in comparison with different historic fashions of citizenship, however the Romans (each elite and the frequent people) had been evidently fairly skeptical about successfully tripling the scale of the citizen physique (which might, in any case, massively dilute their votes and likewise considerably elevate the competitors for workplace in Rome as socii elites might start working for prime Roman workplaces).
So that is the context for the profession of Gaius Gracchus: the land fee has occurred, however didn’t accomplish a lot to unravel the possibly fictive difficulty it was supposed to unravel. In the meantime, what it has finished is exacerbate a brand new and really actual drawback within the Roman relationship with the socii which the Senate is loath to deal with in the best way it successfully has to ultimately be addressed, by extending the citizenship.
Plutarch and the Early Profession of Gaius Gracchus
Gaius Gracchus spend the late 130s and early 120s within the military; he was with Scipio Aemilianus through the Numantine Warfare in 134 and 133, probably as a army tribune however equally he might have been within the cohors amicorum (‘the cohort of buddies’), the gaggle of buddies, retainers and associates a Roman normal would deliver with him on marketing campaign to assist him handle the military. He finishes his ten years of army service (required to run for prime workplace; Polyb. 6.19.3) and runs for the quaestorship in 127 (for the yr 126) and wins it – little shock there as there have been many quaestors and election for a person of such a distinguished household a lot has been successfully assured. Nonetheless a powerful indication that there’s no actual effort by the senatorial elite to close down his profession in revenge for Tiberius Gracchus or something of the kind.
Quaestors, as you might recall, had been assigned by lot, with two quaestores in Rome to manage the central treasury and the remaining six each paired off with a praetor or a consul being sent abroad to manage their supplies and finances. Gaius Gracchus was assigned to one of many consuls – a great flip, that, because it supplied higher possibilities than being paired with a praetor (and thus extra proof, I’d argue, that nobody was attempting to sabotage Gaius at this level) – Lucius Aurelius Orestes, who was assigned a command to suppress a riot in Sardinia. For 125, Orestes is ‘prorogued’ (his command is prolonged) and so, as would have probably been typical, Gaius Gracchus’ position as quaestor can also be prorogued making him a pro-quaestor (professional quaestore, [acting] ‘for the quaestor,’ since a promagistrate’s energy technically derived from their performing rather than the sitting magistrates for the yr), nonetheless aiding Orestes. For 124, Orestes nonetheless isn’t fairly finished on Sardinia and so is prolonged but once more; Orestes needs to complete the job and get his triumph (which he celebrates in 122). So Gaius Gracchus is prolonged once more, as can be typical (and never essentially dangerous, since Orestes is headed for a triumph, the glory of which might have no less than mirrored on of Gaius).
And right here we get to the primary ‘fudge,’ I feel, in Plutarch. Plutarch opens his lifetime of Gaius Gracchus with a report from Cicero (Cic. Div. 1.26.56; notice additionally Val. Max. 1.7.6) that good ‘ol Gaius Gracchus was making ready to say no all public workplaces and stay the quiet life at residence when the shade of his brother appeared and commanded him to enter public life. For one, I really feel the necessity to notice that Plutarch merely egregiously and virtually definitely deliberately misquotes Cicero; Cicero merely stories that Gaius stated his brother got here to him in a dream saying ‘you have to perish the identical demise that I did.’ whereas Plutarch (C. Gracch. 1.6) embroiders by increasing this line to, “one life is fated for us each and one demise in public workplace on behalf of the individuals.” It’s an amusing little snare, as a result of anybody who is aware of something about Cicero’s political beliefs will guess that he doesn’t regard the Gracchi as performing “on behalf of the individuals,” nor would he essentially suppose that was a great factor as in comparison with performing on behalf of the res publica, the commonwealth. However on this case, we have the textual content of Cicero (and Plutarch is specific that that is his reference) and certainly, he says no such factor, so we all know that Plutarch right here is embroidering a optimistic spin about championing the pursuits of the individuals.
However extra broadly, the purpose of that is to deflect from the implication of what Gaius Gracchus is about to do. As a result of the precise Gaius Gracchus was clearly formidable and wanting to get his profession shifting quick: he needs to face for election as a tribune for 123. However one should stand for election in individual and Gaius is in Sardinia aiding Orestes as his pro-quaestor; so Gaius returns early – successfully abandoning Orestes and likewise his workplace – to face for the election. It was a transfer that, as Plutarch admits, elicited not slightly little bit of censure in Rome (Plut. C. Gracch. 2.3) although Gaius Gracchus’ exceptional eloquence received him out of the political jam that resulted (together with a reprimand from the censors, who had been finishing the census that yr).
The issue Plutarch has, after all, is that Gaius Gracchus’ over-swift return to face for election would possibly indicate a degree of unseemly ambition and willingness to place his personal profession over the nice of the state; that wouldn’t do for Plutarch’s literary intention, which calls for that Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus’ careers parallel these of Agis IV and Cleomenes III of Sparta: well-meaning reformers who out of deep advantage and precept confronted the rich and complacent and had been destroyed for it. Agis and Tiberius are paired as a result of they’re the extra conciliatory and warning ones, whereas Cleomenes and Gaius are paired because the extra aggressive ones. However Plutarch’s comparability falls aside if Gaius Gracchus is, in reality, merely an formidable politician seeking to rise quickly in Rome’s political order, as a result of that may hardly be in comparison with Cleomenes III, a positioned on the prime of his society by start (he’s a hereditary king, in any case). So an acceptable anecdote (the dream) is discovered after which fastidiously ‘reframed’ to melt the impression that Gaius Gracchus is perhaps a unique kind of man than the virtuous if reckless and ill-fated reformer that Plutarch wants to sit down oppose to his portrait of Cleomenes III.
Plutarch: by no means let the reality get in the best way of a great story.
Likewise, Plutarch presents Gaius Gracchus’ declare to have successfully been ‘caught’ doing army service for an overlong time uncritically (Plut. C. Gracch. 2.5), however a little bit of math means that Gaius’ profession was shifting loads shortly. Gaius was born most likely in 154, so he holds the quaestorship in 126 on the age of 28, two years earlier than what appears to have been the customary (however at this level not legally binding) age of 30. Spending three years in Sardinia would thus have simply left him on principally the identical political schedule as anybody whose quaestorship was held in suo anno (‘in their very own yr,’ a phrase which means to carry an workplace on the earliest customary age to take action) at age 30. Slower than his brother, who held the quaestorship because the ripe age of 25 (the youngest individual we all know to have finished so), however hardly sluggish! The customary age for the subsequent main workplace, the praetorship, is 39, so Gaius Gracchus also hardly needs to rush to the intermediate offices of the tribunate or the aediles on that account. As we’re going to see, it’s not in any respect clear Gaius Gracchus ever meant to cycle out of public workplace, which is itself an actual drawback because the Roman political system is based on the idea that elected magistrates full their yr in workplace after which return to being non-public residents (who’re additionally within the Senate).
In any case, Gaius Gracchus stands for and wins the tribunate for 123 and he is available in storming.
The Tribunates of Gaius Gracchus
And that is the purpose the place issues get difficult and arduous for a lot of college students to maintain a deal with on, as a result of whereas Tiberius Gracchus had one, comparatively simple to clarify reform, Gaius Gracchus has a slew of legal guidelines he needs to go. The problem in maintaining monitor is that Gaius Gracchus is reported to have proposed or handed (it’s not at all times clear what legal guidelines he truly received by way of) an entire mess of modifications, the record of which differs in lots of instances from one supply to the subsequent. Making an attempt to determine what was tried in what yr of his workplace (he’s tribune in 123 and in 122 and runs however isn’t elected for 121) is equally tough.
The standard technique to perceive these many, many legal guidelines is to border them as an effort to construct a political coalition with the intention of getting sufficient individuals – we would truthfully keep ‘curiosity teams,’ given how the legal guidelines are arrange – behind Gaius Gracchus to allow him to surge over the logjam and go a citizenship invoice. That framing itself owes rather a lot to how Appian presents Gaius’ proposals (simply as he leads into Tiberius’ life by detailing the supposed land and manpower disaster, he leads into Gaius detailing the citizenship disaster); the sources definitely agree that the function of Gaius Gracchus’ legal guidelines was to interrupt the facility of the Senate; in some instances they counsel this was to allow a democracy (of the Greek type), in others a monarchy, in others simply out of spite (Plut. C. Gracch. 5.1; Diodorus 34-5.25; Livy Per. 60.7; Vell. Pat. 2.6.2; Dio 25.85; App. BCiv. 1.21).
The one factor Appian clearly notes was finished in Gracchus’ first time period was a legislation offering for the distribution of grain within the metropolis of Rome, the annona which we’ve discussed before. Appian (BCiv 1.21) presents this as a distribution of free grain, however that is clearly an anachronism and our different sources (e.g. Plut. C. Gracch 5.2) appropriately notice that his legislation as a substitute offered for the sale of grain at a set, below-market worth within the metropolis and Livy evidently recorded the exact determine which, although the Livy for this era is misplaced, survives in its abstract, the Periochae: six and one-third asses (presumably per modius). It’s an oddly not-very-round-at-all determine nevertheless it involves only a contact greater than 2.5HS per modius, which might be an inexpensive however not absurdly low-cost worth. This was, as we’ve noted, a considerable systematization of one thing – the stabilization of grain costs – which the curule aediles had finished earlier within the Republic (Livy 2.9.6, 2.34.2-7, 4.13-16, 10.11.9), however systematized on phrases that had been fairly beneficiant, funded by way of Rome’s tax income. Gaius additionally appears have superior in his first yr a second land invoice like the sooner Lex Sempronia Agraria, attempting to restart the distribution of ager publicus, although he’ll swiftly transfer to a brand new technique.
Past these proposals, nonetheless, issues get sticky. He appears to have no less than proposed to have the state present troopers’ clothes at state expense (Plut. C. Gracch. 5.1, notice additionally Diod. Sic. 34-5.25), although it’s not clear if this handed. If it did, it didn’t stick, as within the imperial interval we proceed to see deductions in Roman troopers’ pay for alternative clothes. He additionally reportedly tried to increase the Senate by introducing 300 equites (wealthy males who had not launched into careers in public workplace; Plut. C. Gracch. 5.2-3) into its quantity (or 600 in accordance with Livy Per. 60) however this appears to not have handed or been applied.
He did, nonetheless, succeed at altering the composition of the juries for the quaestio de repetundis, the Roman courtroom which judges accusations of corruption towards Roman provincial governors, shifting the juries to include members of the equites moderately than senators. Which will appear like a ‘good authorities’ proposal – there’s clearly an issue with having senators decide one another’s corruption – however the issue is that the equites represented loads of the enterprise pursuits within the provinces, significantly the businesses of tax farmers who had been the individuals who can be bribing governors to do corrupt issues, specifically permitting the tax farmers themselves (the publicani or public contractors) to overtax the locals to reap larger income. Giving the publicani that place is a large favor to them however won’t have actually improved Roman provincial governance – certainly, Appian claims it had the other impact (App. BCiv. 1.22). In the identical course, Gaius Gracchus handed a legislation for the taxes from the brand new province of Asia (previously Pergamum) to be farmed by way of public contracts leased by the censors (moderately than, presumably, collected by way of the preexisting paperwork of the previous kingdom). Pergamum/Asia was a remarkably rich area, so this created a large new set of enterprise alternatives for the equites concerned within the leasing of public contracts, however as soon as once more was hardly a strike for good authorities.
Gaius additionally handed legal guidelines for the development of roads and granaries, partly maybe to facilitate the grain wanted for his new distributions, however the sources (e.g. App. BCiv. 23) equally counsel this was partly to place each rich public contractors and common staff underneath obligation to him. And this can be a level that you just want to remember in Gaius Gracchus’ flurry of laws, that the construction of Roman patronage (patrocinium or clientela) meant that every of those proposals in idea established one thing like a patronage bond between Gaius and the recipients, such that he would possibly, in idea, be capable of name on them to help him out of that obligation.
The opposite main exercise Gaius will get as much as is proposing and passing legal guidelines to discovered two new colonies in Italy. One other tribune proposes a jumbo-sized colony on the ruins of Carthage (destroyed in 146, you’ll recall; that is the primary Roman colony exterior of Italy), which – no less than in accordance with Appian – Gaius will enlarge even additional past what the legislation initially proposed (App. BCiv. 1.24)
So we will cease for a second and take inventory of those proposals and their concentrating on, although right here it’s arduous to not be loaded in our language: lets say these proposals had been designed to assist sure teams or equally that they had been designed to curry favor with these teams; each angles could also be right. For the very poor, there was a renewed land fee, the distribution of low-cost grain and new colonies (the colonists of which might clearly be drawn from the landless, who would get land allotments within the new settlements). For the assidui, the broad ‘center’ of Roman society who served within the military, they received a discount in the price of service (with free clothes) and certain additionally benefited from the grain distributions on the margin. For the rich city equites, they received to regulate the courts which prosecuted governors who enabled their graft, in addition to new alternatives for graft within the East.
And the senatorial elite, after all, received worse than nothing. Their position within the courts was diminished. The position of the curule aediles or the Senate in offering meals stabilization at Rome was eliminated. The Senate’s means to assign particular provinces to particular magistrates was additionally eliminated by requiring the Senate to pick out the provinces previous to the elections.
And this was all finished in a means that undermined the power-sharing construction of the republic. One of many core features of the republic was its rotation of energy and authority between elite Roman politicians: in a society the place one’s actions as a Justice of the Peace might create patronage bonds, it was necessary to ensure everybody was rotating out and in of these roles, in order that credit score and affect was subtle amongst a bigger vary of leaders, moderately than congealing round only a handful of males or – worse but – only one man.
However right here notice that it’s Gaius that arranges the grain distributions and Gaius that builds the roads and the granaries and Gaius that founds the brand new colonies and Gaius that heads up the renewed land fee and Gaius that rearranges the juries. If the measured had handed, it could have been Gaius who minted new members for the Senate, Gaius who paid for soldier’s clothes. The one process in all of this new laws that Gaius lets fall to anybody else is the leasing of the taxes for the province of Asia, presumably as a result of the five-year construction of tax farming contracts was too inextricably linked to the censors to interrupt. Certainly, Plutarch notes the just about frenetic motion as Gaius Gracchus took principally all of those duties in hand personally (Plut. C. Gracch. 6-7) which you’ll be able to definitely current, as Plutarch does, for example of Gaius’ advantage, trade and vitality, however equally I feel we will perceive that method as essentially destabilizing to the power-sharing system of the republic.
Issues Fall Aside
Clearly there was going to be a response to all of this. However the nature of the response to Gaius Gracchus is a kind of instances the place the ‘second verse, similar as the primary’ simplification of those two males may be deeply misleading, as a result of Gaius’ habits was a lot extra provocative and the Senate’s response – no less than initially – way more restrained.
Of the flurry of laws above, most likely solely the renewed agrarian invoice and the grain distribution occurs in Gaius’ first tribunate in 123. Gaius opts to face for the tribunate in 122, benefiting from a little bit of a loophole whereby if there weren’t sufficient candidates to fill each spot, residents might ‘write in’ for the additional positions (thus avoiding the can-he-actually-run query that had tripped up Tiberius). This was, after all, an incendiary transfer, however the Senate doesn’t leap to violence and as a substitute lets it occur: Gaius wins one other yr as tribune and he’s even widespread sufficient to tug his most well-liked candidate for the consulship, Gaius Fannius, by way of alongside him together with one other ally as one of many different tribunes (Marcus Fulvius Flaccus), giving him helpful allies as his flurry of laws continued (Plut. C. Gracch. 8). Solely ten years had handed for the reason that demise of Tiberius Gracchus, so lots of the senators in 122 would have been senators (albeit much more junior ones) in 133. We’re not instructed they feared recreated the catastrophe of the homicide of Tiberius Gracchus, nevertheless it does appear to be not repeating the previous is an element.
It appears to be after this untraditional reelection that the flurry of smaller legal guidelines comes from Gaius Gracchus, with the intention being to curry favor with totally different key constituencies within the run-up to a giant push for a legislation to increase citizenship to the allies.
Now we come to the issue of citizenship growth. The craving of the socii for citizenship within the face of the shifting discount they’d with Rome (mentioned above) had been acknowledged as an issue for a number of years at this level, however a number of components saved it logjammed and can maintain it logjammed till the disaster of the Social Warfare (91-87) unjams the difficulty. On the one hand, when you have no less than some Roman politicians who see the hazard, it’s clear that each within the Senate however additionally among the many normal citizenry, there was a powerful constituency that opposed any dilution of their voting energy or the privileges of Roman citizenship, which after all at this level together with the more and more massive working river of tribute from Rome’s rising empire. On the similar time, there was additionally a political concern: whoever truly did citizenship growth can be greater than doubling the scale of the voting physique, minting one thing like 400,000 new voters – new voters who, having acquired this exceptional favor (beneficium) can be certain by a tie of gratitude and even patronage to the person who made such a favor doable. Politically, even in the event you acknowledged that citizenship growth was essential, there was a hazard to letting any explicit influential politician take sole credit score for doing it.
And it shouldn’t arduous, in that context, to see the hazard of letting Gaius Gracchus – who’s already working a lot of the Roman state out of the tribunate – do that factor. We’ll speak about Gaius’ targets in a second, however I feel it must be conceded that no matter he aimed to do, by the point the guy was working Rome’s meals coverage, infrastructure coverage, tax coverage, jury choice, colonization efforts and finance coverage all out of a single workplace he clearly meant to by no means surrender (he’s going to run once more for a 3rd time period) there’s no less than some motive to suspect there’s a hazard right here that Gaius Gracchus goals at a form of tyranny.
And right here I wish to cease and make clear how historic tyranny labored: historic tyrants didn’t demolish the equipment of the state and declare themselves kings. As a substitute they subverted the state to run its affairs extra-constitutionally: the courts nonetheless functioned, the assemblies nonetheless met, councils nonetheless voted however one man managed the whole lot by way of a web of cronies, clients and the threat of force. The Greek world offered dozens of examples of this type of authorities, so the Romans had been fairly acquainted with the best way it functioned. Now Gaius Gracchus hadn’t assembled one of many key substances, a band of armed thugs to implement his will – but – however he has successfully begun the method of subverting state establishments by amassing extra-constitutional energy to himself. He doesn’t have to declare himself a tyrant to be a tyrant; certainly, few tyrants accomplish that declare themselves.
So it isn’t all that stunning that you’ve a big physique of Roman political elites who wish to take the wind out of Gaius Gracchus’ sails earlier than he’s amassed a lot energy that it turns into unattainable.
As a substitute of violence, Gaius Gracchus’ political opponents resolve to beat him at his personal sport. They choose their very own tribune, Marcus Livius Drusus (cos. 112) and have him set out an much more beneficiant model of Gaius Gracchus’ proposals. The place Gaius Gracchus needs handy out ager publicus however have its holders pay a hire, Livius proposed to take action with out even the hire. Gaius Gracchus proposed two new colonies; Livius proposed twelve. And whereas Gaius confronted the resistance of the Senate, Livius after all had their help. Crucially, Livius’ proposals left the implementation of his proposals to different Romans, which as Plutarch notes, made him appear extra trustworthy and public-spirited than Gaius Gracchus, who insisted that he and he alone implement his proposals and reap the entire credit score (Plut. C. Gracch. 10.1). In the meantime, Livius begins blocking Gaius Gracchus’ much less beneficiant proposals.
Nevertheless, when Gaius Gracchus proposed to increase citizenship to the allies, Livius parried with a way more restricted proposal, an extension of the Roman citizen’s symbolic immunity to being crushed or whipped in army service to the allies – Roman citizen-soldiers had been as a substitute struck with a versatile vinecord stick for minor infractions or instruction which grew to become the centurion’s badge of workplace; the symbolic significance right here is that whips and rods had been a factor with which to beat slaves; this proposal could have handed, nevertheless it doesn’t appear to be any of Livius’ different beneficiant proposals are literally applied. I feel it’s solely truthful to treat Livius’ tribunate as basically one huge political ‘soiled trick,’ albeit one properly inside the guidelines of the political system (and one which Gaius may need defused by merely backing Livius’ proposals, had he been keen to share the credit score for principally something).
Livius’ effort clearly labored, nonetheless, and the wind began to return out of Gaius’ sails. To make issues worse, he has fairly a bit of dangerous luck: the brand new colony at Carthage already proposed wanted to be arrange and the tribunes drew tons to see who would go and see to it; Gaius drew the brief straw and so in some unspecified time in the future in 122 has to go away town for seventy days to superintend the brand new colony (Appian represents this as an intentional resolution of the Senate (App. BCiv 1.23, however Plutarch says it was by lot, C. Gracch. 10.2). Worse but, the omens about this colony had been dangerous: a storm scattered the brand new boundary markers and disrupted the sacrifices for the brand new basis and there was a report that the markers themselves had been carried off by wolves (Plut. C. Gracch. 11; App. BCiv. 1.24). For the Romans, who consider their very own faith, that kind of factor displays badly on Gaius Gracchus and additional dented his reputation.
Gaius Gracchus returns to Rome and our sources listed here are, to be frank, a bit complicated on the timeline of late 122 and early 121, which is annoying as a result of the timeline actually issues. Appian gives the look that affairs moved in a short time, with Gaius returning to Rome straight into an meeting convened to resolve if the colony at Carthage ought to go forward (App. BCiv. 1.24-5), whereas Plutarch notes that the explosion is slower in coming: Gaius has time to return to Rome, stand for the tribunate of 121 and lose (Plut. C. Gracch. 12.4-5), for the consular elections to happen and for the brand new consuls, together with Lucius Opimius to return into workplace; the Periochae appear to substantiate Plutarch’s extra expanded timeline (Livy Per. 61.4). That stated, we would think about this to have nonetheless proceeded fairly quickly: the elections (during which Gaius Gracchus claimed fraud) in early winter and Opimius’ motions to repeal a few of Gaius’ legal guidelines coming fast maybe in January, which precipitates the explosion.
What is obvious is that Gaius Gracchus’ reputation was waning. His citizenship growth invoice is defeated (both earlier than he leaves for Carthage, whereas he was away or proper when he got here again) and when he ran for one more time period as tribune he misplaced (he claimed fraud, due to course he did, Plut. C. Gracch. 12.4, who avoids rendering a judgement). The brand new magistrates – notably Opimius – had been evidently hostile to him, which I feel should counsel Gaius could have truly misplaced and widespread opinion actually had turned towards him.
Gaius responds by rallying his supporters and it’s clear that a few of them got here surreptitiously armed; Plutarch makes use of συστασιάζω, “to band collectively seditiously” to explain participation (Plut. C. Gracch. 13.2) and it’s value remembering that is coming from sources which might be typically favorable. On the gathering, Quintus Antyllius – for Plutarch, one among Opimius’ males making an insulting gesture, for Appian only a common plebian who reaches out to present Gaius a comforting gesture that somebody misinterpret (Plut. C. Gracch. 13.3-4; App. BCiv 1.25) – is knifed to demise by one among Gaius Gracchus’ supporters, reporting with a stylus transformed right into a hid weapon, in order to sidestep Roman legal guidelines towards bringing weapons into the sacred boundary of town. Each sources agree that Gaius didn’t intend the killing and was distressed by it, although to be truthful he did collect a surreptitiously armed mob within the metropolis at a excessive state of fervor
Gaius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus initially attempt to win over the gang within the discussion board, however that is unsuccessful – I imply, their partisans did simply homicide a person – and so they as a substitute head again to their properties with their supporters, the meeting itself having been damaged up by rain. The next day, Opimius summons the Senate and the Senate calls each Gaius and Fulvius to attend and provides an account of themselves. As a substitute, Fulvius arms his followers and seizes the Aventine; Appian represents this as Gaius and Fulvius collectively, Plutarch represents this as Fulvius the hothead main and Gaius being pulled in his wake. I feel right here as elsewhere, we should be cautious of Plutarch’s embroidery, which is on totally show on this second of excessive ethical drama. The remainder of our sources agree with Appian that Gaius Gracchus makes the choice right here to aim a coup: Diodorus (34.28a) speaks of deciding to beat his opponents by pressure, the Periochae (61.4) offers no point out of Fulvius however says Gaius occupied the Aventine with an armed mob and whereas they don’t give us new particulars, the general judgements of Dio (25.85) and Velleius Paterculus (2.6) are each harsh, treating Gaius as a seditious demagogue moderately than a well-meaning however ill-fated reformer.
Plutarch thus portrays Gaius Gracchus on this second as hesitating and conciliatory, however not one of the different sources even remotely comply with him on that time and admittedly I feel Plutarch is to not be trusted right here. It’s a higher story of Gaius Gracchus is assailed by conscience and uncertainty on this second – that’s absolutely the way you’d write the HBO collection – however that doesn’t imply it occurred. In accordance with Appian, Gaius and Fulvius Flaccus went up on the Aventine, fortified themselves within the Temple of Diana and solely then – moderately than coming themselves – despatched Fulvius’ son Quintus as an envoy to barter with the Senate, which insisted they lay down their arms and face an inquiry. They refuse.
And at this level, with an armed band having seized a big part of town (the Aventine Hill), which it had fortified and from which it might menace the remainder of town, Opimius and the Senate now do precisely what you’d anticipate: they elevate what army pressure they will and storm the hill.
It’s clear the bloodshed was appreciable, each throughout what appears to have been a short avenue battle – with actual weapons this time. Afterwards, as Opimius supplied a reward for each Gaius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus’ heads, but in addition captured and later executed a lot of their supporters. Gaius is ready to flee and combat his means over the Tiber River, however unable to flee pursuit, he has one among his slaves, nonetheless with him, finish his life. Plutarch claims some 3,000 Roman residents had been caught within the carnage (Plut. C. Gracch. 18.1), whereas Appian notes that after the killing a ritual purification – a lustration – needed to be carried out to cleanse town (App. BCiv 26).
The Mud Settles
Evidently, Opimius comes off of all of this, no matter one thinks of Gaius Gracchus, trying like a monster for the entire bloodshed and that appears to have been true on the time. He constructed a brand new temple to Concordia (Harmony), ordered by the Senate, which was evidently not properly recieved by the individuals (Plut. C. Gracch. 17.6). He was prosecuted the next yr however efficiently defended himself that he was merely following the Senate’s directions. Opimius is packed off to Numidia in 116 to go a fee overseeing the inheritance of that kingdom and one can’t assist however detect shades of Scipio Nasica being packed off out of Rome after Tiberius Gracchus demise; in any case, Opimius’ managing of the fee was so corrupt (he was simply bribed by Jugurtha) that he was convicted and exiled (Plut. C. Gracch. 18.1) in consequence.
The legacy of the Gracchi in Roman thought remained advanced. As famous, our principal sources are typically favorable, no less than to their intent, although Appian disapproves of their strategies. Plutarch is sort of clearly and deliberately attempting to spin a optimistic narrative of the 2 for the aim of his biographies, that are about creating fascinating comparisons of well-known lives for the aim of ethical instruction. In no less than sure quarters in Rome, the Gracchi acquired one thing approaching Greek-style hero cult (Plut. C. Gracch. 18.2), in order that they had been clearly fondly remembered by somebody, however it’s putting that the verdicts of a few of our different sources are so harsh on Gaius.
Much more than Tiberius Gracchus, the issue of Gaius Gracchus’ motives looms over how one thinks about his actions, however to be frank, I feel the mannequin of the trustworthy reformer carried away by occasions matches Gaius much more poorly than it matches Tiberius. For one, breaking the facility of the Senate and the normal power-sharing construction of the Republic was clearly one among Gaius Gracchus’ targets and several other of his proposals seem to have functionally no different function. Diodorus means that he could have meant to arrange a democracy (Diod. Sic. 34.25), whereas Velleius explicitly elevate the chance that he aimed to set of a tyranny (Vel. Pat. 6.2). The truth that even Plutarch admits that the construction of Gaius Gracchus’ legal guidelines – whereby Gaius Gracchus received to spend the entire cash, get the entire energy and take the entire credit score (Plut. C. Gracch. 10.1) – appeared dishonest on the time inclines me in the direction of the latter.
And whereas the brothers are sometimes handled collectively, it’s putting that the sources are sometimes way more forgiving of Tiberius than Gaius and it isn’t arduous to see why: the violence of 133 may be understood as a second of excessive political tensions gone fallacious by way of misunderstanding and rushes to judgement. Against this, Gaius Gracchus, when he had misplaced on the poll field, gathered an armed mob and occupied a part of town. Maybe he would have described this motion as merely being one geared toward self-preservation (Julius Caesar would use the identical excuse when he marched on Rome), however refusing to submit one’s self to a courtroom of legislation or the broader political course of is the act of a tyrant and whereas Opimius’ response went too far, it’s putting that Opimius employs solely votes – not violence – till Gaius and his supporters themselves take up arms and spill blood. The Senate, led by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio initiated the violence of 133; the Gracchan supporters initiated the violence of 121.
Zooming out slightly additional, whereas the Gracchi emerge as people heroes after their deaths (Plut. C. Gracch. 18.2) it’s not clear to me their reforms truly solved any issues within the long-term. As famous, the Gracchan land commissions had been predicated on a elementary, if trustworthy, misunderstanding of the character of the issue of land shortage in Roman Italy and so regardless of vigorous software by no means appear to have achieved very a lot. As a substitute, this drawback will ultimately be resolved, to the diploma it’s, within the first century and past, by the settlement of veterans exterior of Italy. In that sense, the one man who stumbles on a stable, long-term answer to something on this whole mess is Gaius Rubrius (trib. 122) who proposes the colony at Carthage (which does, within the occasion, find yourself being everlasting).
Gaius Gracchus had, after all, recognized an actual drawback: the strain increase behind the demand of the socii for citizenship. However Gaius Gracchus’ legal guidelines made this drawback worse not higher. For one, after all, the truth that the final man who tried this ended up perhaps doing an armed coup was hardly going to endear the Senate to the subsequent try. However extra critically, Gaius Gracchus’ legal guidelines additional destabilized the discount with the allies. Tiberius Gracchus’ land fee – which might seize land from socii however not give it to them – began this, however Gaius makes it worse. Now there was low-cost grain, however just for residents. Doubtlessly new colonies, however now, it appears, just for residents. Probably free army clothes, however just for residents. New alternatives for revenue (and graft), however in contracts set free within the metropolis of Rome, judged by juries of Romans. And all of this was paid for out of the increasing revenues of taxes from Rome’s provinces, a income stream that was as a lot the product of the valor of the socii as of the Romans, however during which the socii shared by no means. Furthermore, in subsequent a long time, Gaius’ packages will themselves make it tougher to increase citizenship, as a result of he’s created costly new advantages for Roman residents which the citizenry will likely be loath to share: if increasing the franchise means sharing a budget grain or new lands with the socii, it would very properly imply much less for Roman residents. In the meantime, the Gracchan land reforms had deeply deprived the allies and future efforts to purchase in Rome’s decrease lessons with guarantees of land distribution will gas the explosion of the Social Warfare in 91.
In a way, Gaius Gracchus has acknowledged the time bomb ticking in Roman Italy and in an effort to defuse it, has as a substitute accelerated its detonation.
In the meantime, it’s definitely the case that Gaius Gracchus’ instance is a adverse one for Rome. Weakening the Senate is not going to produce a democratic Rome, in any case, however a monarchy underneath Julius Caesar and later Augustus. Tribunes performing in the identical method as Gaius Gracchus – Lucius Appuleius Saturninus and Publius Sulpicius Rufus, specifically – proceed to destabilize the republic in damaging methods. The Roman Republic functioned not primarily based on a written structure, however by way of the observance of the mos maiorum, a customary type of authorities which each Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus repeatedly ran roughshod over within the pursuit of their very own ambition: even much less scrupulous males would study from their instance. It’s not an accident that when monarchy does lastly return to Rome, the home powers of the emperor will likely be represented as tribunicia potestas – the powers of the tribune. Powers that the Gracchi successfully created in precedent by smashing the tribunate by way of all of its customary limits.
All of that stated, we will dismiss the notion of the Gracchi as purely righteous reformers killed by a silly, hidebound and grasping Roman Senate. As a substitute, whereas a few of the Gracchi’s tried reforms had been well-meaning (if probably misguided) and others clearly essential, the impression of their contemporaries that they is perhaps aiming for one thing like lawless tyranny was hardly unfounded. The acute violent response of the Senate, I feel, clearly made issues worse in each instances and is properly deserving of censure, however that shouldn’t solely conceal the truth that the Gracchi actually could have represented a risk to the soundness of the Roman Republic. We can’t learn the minds of the Gracchi and so we will by no means actually know in the event that they got down to attempt to use the tribunate to ascertain one thing like a back-door tyranny (or had been simply so spectacularly formidable that they ended up on that path with out totally realizing it was the place their ambition was taking them), however we will know that the overweening ambition of the Gracchi supplies the damaging template for what’s to return and served to push the Roman Republic not additional on the street to democracy, however down the street that may result in a reborn Roman monarchy underneath the emperors.
Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus could not have identified they had been hammering the primary nails into the Roman Republic’s coffin, however hammer them they did and the nails stay to warning us to swing our hammers extra fastidiously at issues actual or imagined.
